Примери за използване на Monetarist на Английски и техните преводи на Български
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Compare Keynesian and monetarist approach to the monetary policy of the state.
From the mid-70s through the 80s, the economic debate was increasingly dominated by monetarists and free marketeers.
Here you would find the laws of the monetarist fraud and the substitution of the reality.
Monetarists argue that the Great Recession was due to over-tightening into the downturn.
A protégé of Frank Knight, his anti-trust and monetarist models influenced the Chicago school of economics.
Stedman Jones traces the rise of neoliberalism to the decision of left-leaning governments to adopt monetarist policies.
But Krugman laments that the monetarists continue to triumph, especially in major media.
Monetarists blame the ECB and the Fed for keeping money too tight in early to mid-2008, pushing a fragile credit system over the edge.
Some elements of the Reagan-Thatcher revolution in economic policy, such as Milton Friedman's monetarist macroeconomics, have subsequently been abandoned.
The monetarists believe the federal government should always keep the budget in balance and use what they called“monetary policy” to regulate the economy.
(PT) Madam President, in this debate,it was fundamental to ensure that the European Union would make a break with its monetarist policies and the blind criteria of the Stability Pact.
Even harsh critics of Keynes, for example from the monetarist or neoclassical camp, admit that Keynes was at least right in that hoarding is a destabilizing and dangerous activity.
The standard answer is that“stagflation”- increasing rates of both unemployment and inflation in the 1960s and1970s- killed Keynesianism, because it confirmed monetarist arguments(in particular, Milton Friedman's).
The fact that people, at the time, could clearly perceive a distinction between monetarist policy and neoliberal philosophy is illustrated in Hayek's extreme reaction to Friedman's plan.
Monetarists ascended to key policy positions, but this ascent did not mark the capitulation of center-left governing practices to the neoliberal faith in free markets, as right-wingers like to claim.
We therefore insist on the urgent need for a proper break with these neoliberal and monetarist policies, putting an end to the Stability Pact, tax havens and the false independence of the European Central Bank.
But Monetarists considered the unanticipated inflation would induce the workers to supply a higher quantity of labour than would be forthcoming at the so-called natural rate of output(defined in terms of a natural rate of unemployment).
But if both Jimmy Carter's Democratic andJames Callaghan's Labor administrations accepted the monetarist policies, and began to implement them, they rejected the free market philosophy.
On the contrary, the more Keynesian and monetarist drugs are administered, the feebler the self-healing power of the markets and the weaker the willingness of policymakers to impose painful detoxification treatments on the economy and populace.
From the other direction, Democratic andLabour governments with little interest in freeing markets from government could adopt monetarist policy solutions without believing they were admitting the bankruptcy of the welfare state.
As we will see later, the Monetarists in the late 1960s claimed that it was Milton Friedman and Edmund Phelps who showed that government aims to reduce the unemployment rate using expansionary fiscal and monetary policy would be futile because of the role of expectations of inflation.
The introduction of rational expectations into the debate, thus, went a step further than the Monetarists who conceded that governments could shift the economy from the“natural level” by introducing unanticipated policy changes.
In this context, Monetarists like Milton Friedman claimed that the government could exploit a short-run Phillips curve for a time with expansionary policy by tricking workers into thinking their real wages had risen when in fact their money wage increases were lagging behind the inflation rate.
While it starts from the premise that there is a crisis in the euro area and a need for a comprehensive and integrated solution to the debt crisis in the euro area, given the lack of success of the fragmented approach used until now,the report ends up calling for the same type of monetarist and neoliberal policies and criteria that led to the crisis.
Friedman became one of the leading American advocates of the monetarist school of economics, which holds that the business cycle is determined primarily by money supply and interest rates rather than by a government's fiscal policy.
Monetarists believe that control over the money supply should be the chief means that governments use to moderate the fluctuations of a national economy, as opposed to the view(derived from John Maynard Keynes) that both monetary and fiscal intervention could(and should) be used to tame the business cycle.
Brown was also the first theorist to investigate the question of the instability of the wage change-unemployment relationship,a subject that was at the centre of the Monetarist attack on the Keynesian orthodoxy in the late 1960, the legacy of which has influenced macroeconomic theory and policy design ever since.
The intellectual sponsors of these monetarist policies, Milton Friedman and his acolytes at the Heritage Foundation, the American Enterprise Institute, and the University of Chicago economics department, also tended to believe in the power of free markets to organize society more efficiently than the state.
It is regrettable that we are not taking advantage of this opportunity for an in-depth examination of the consequences of implementing neoliberal and monetarist policies- using the euro as an excuse- which have contributed to the current serious social situation and to increasing inequality, unemployment, precarious and poorly paid work, and poverty.
Although in the mid-1960s, the Monetarist theoretical structure- which asserted that fiscal policy was ineffective and monetary policy easing would be inflationary- had undergone harsh criticism from economists like Robert Clower and Axel Leijonhufvud, the empirical shift in the Phillips curve in the early 1970s was interpreted as a validation of the Monetarist concept of a natural rate of unemployment and the negative connotations for aggregate demand management that this concept invoked.