Exemplos de uso de Mangaba gatherers em Inglês e suas traduções para o Português
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Both the mangaba gatherers and the landowner used the State's legal apparatus to defend their own interests.
In their speech, however,the duty of ensuring plants are cared for has gradually passed from the mangaba gatherers to the landowner, who now profits from this activity.
Here, until 2007, the mangaba gatherers were free to practice extractive activities, similar to what occurs in other Brazilian states.
This case study involved a private property used for decades by gatherers without restriction,a custom based on locally established rules that were challenged in 2007 when the mangaba gatherers demanded the expropriation of the property for the purposes of land reform.
On the one hand, the mangaba gatherers managed, with the support of allies, to bring the State to their cause to create a law recognizing them as a culturally differentiated group.
Legally recognized as a culturally differentiated group,these women call themselves mangaba gatherers and their collective identity is associated to a common use resource of low environmental impact;;
The mangaba gatherers who seemed discontent with the inappropriate behaviour of others no longer felt at ease to verbally reprimand them, the traditional means used for recriminating predatory practices. This is because they understand that now they are under a different form of control.
When complaining about the reduction in the availability of fruit at the site, the mangaba gatherers generally refer to competition, namely, those who enter the property unseen and who, consequently, do not pay.
These fragile local communities dependant on the natural resources in Barra dos Coqueiros were further debilitated when free access to the resources at a property known as Matinha was denied.denounced this situation when he analyzed the state of vulnerability of approximately 150 mangaba gatherers who gathered fruit at that establishment.
The intertwining of legal systems in this case study profoundly influenced the semi-autonomous field of the mangaba gatherers, who, within this new context, demanded that the rules previously practiced be maintained, but attributed this responsibility to the landowner. Thus, they legitimized the private ownership of the land and plants.
In a similar situation to that described by with regard to the groups known as quilombola communities on the island of Marajó in the State of Pará, the mangaba gatherers of Sergipe have no written laws regarding the access to natural resources.
In this case study, until 2007, mangaba gatherers were able to gather fruit for free from a property of approximately 160 hectares in an area of remnant mangaba trees Hancornia Speciosa Gomes situated in Barra dos Coqueiros. For the last decade, this municipality, on the coast of the Brazilian state of Sergipe, has been the focus of property speculation and tourism expansion.
The methodology, involving a predominantly qualitative approach, consisted of direct and participatory observation methods, as well as interviews open andsemi-structured with 23 mangaba gatherers who gather or have gathered mangaba fruit in Matinha, as well as three researchers and three specialists.
The mangaba gatherers have developed their own rules, but they are also subject to the officially instituted legislation applied, such as in the cases for creating a Resex Extractive Reserve, the approval of a law which recognizes them as a culturally differentiated group and to confirm the private ownership of the area known as Matinha following the legal intervention of the landowner.
If the formal legal system is reinterpreted by the gatherers so that it rubber stamps the new relationships established between them and the landowner and reaffirms the absolute right to the property- which, contrary to expectations, is not questioned- who will raise the banner of law to revert the situation of the increasing environmental degradation andsocial inequality experienced by the mangaba gatherers of Barra dos Coqueiros?
As a consequence, in this study a significant reduction- to 30%- is observed in the number of mangaba gatherers accessing the site as well as a search for alternative means of survival such as employment insurance for artisanal fishermen during closed seasons and the Bolsa Família[Family Benefit] program, the sale of fruit from roadside stalls and domestic cleaning jobs in the municipality's urban area and summer houses.
The mangaba gatherers participating in this study are women who have been engaged in extractive activities in territories they have occupied for several generations and in which they practice a range of other activities such as mangrove foraging, small business ventures and house-cleaning. Different arrangements, varying in time and space, have guaranteed the means for the social reproduction of their families.
In face of this situation, the mangaba gatherers reacted. One of their first actions as subjects of specific rights- legitimated by a collective political identity constructed upon the common use of natural resources and supported by different allies- was to claim their rights to the land in question which was decreed an area of social interest for the purposes of land reform.
In effect, the mangaba gatherers understand that the transgressions still practiced within the establishment and even the failure to comply with the persisting traditional norms harm not only the landowner, but also themselves:"Because there are no employees there[in sufficient numbers to oversee the whole area], if there were, this[the predatory practices] wouldn't happen, not to mention the ones who steal- we pay and others steal.
Despite their recognition, the mangaba gatherers suffer the impositions of changes in their daily routine resulting from the"implementation of policies to reorganize spaces and territories" under the aegis of the State. These policies benefit capital and private interests and have repercussions on the control and regulation of access to land and resources of various types such as natural, economic, symbolic which also affect the relationships between the various agents involved.
As can be observed, despite the recognition of the mangaba gatherers' social existence, the demands of this- or indeed other traditional groups- in terms of access to territories and the maintenance of their ways of life have not been satisfactorily addressed through formal law. This is because there are persistent operational legal difficulties in adapting the situations these groups experience to existing models which steer and structure the entire legal system;
Years old, mangaba gatherer and casual worker in bars and restaurants.
I think that's wrong" M.M.L., 42 years old, mangaba gatherer.
That's how it happens" A.I.N., mangaba gatherer.
He[the landowner] just doesn't want us to gather unripe fruit or break the branches" S.M.H.F.,23 years old, mangaba gatherer.
But they don't do that, they[the gatherers] are the first to mess it up" A.I.M.,41 years old, mangaba gatherer.
They gather fruit, cause damage and he[the landowner] does nothing to control it" C.I.S.,27 years old, mangaba gatherer and fisherwoman.
If they go[the property's mangaba trees]it's all over for everyone" P.M.A.S., mangaba gatherer.
The change regarding where hooks are kept is significant,given that in different Brazilian states hooks are symbolically considered by the mangaba gatherer women as a signifier of their condition.
There would be enough mangaba there to gather all year round, if you could do that, but it doesn't last four months. Those people[who enter without permission] devour everything" M.E. A,43 years old, mangaba gatherer.