Exemplos de uso de Such regimes em Inglês e suas traduções para o Português
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Such regimes do not remove the obstacles of capitalism's inner flaws, in fact they raise them to new heights.
Secondly, it is only by appreciating fully the suffering brought about by such regimes that we can fully understand the present.
Examples of such regimes include the use of paraquat+ diuron mixtures for burndown in no-till cropping in Brazil;
Writing about the phenomenon in 2002, Levitsky and Way named Serbia under Slobodan Milošević andRussia under Vladimir Putin as examples of such regimes.
Such regimes must be broadly accepted by the main stakeholders and provide for effective enforcement._BAR.
This holds for totalitarianisms of the Right and the Left,since from the viewpoint of the politics of subjectivation such regimes are not so different.
Such regimes of intertextuality accentuate a textualist vision in which everything is text and in which an infinite and all-encompassing textuality is achieved.
They seem to prefer martial law regimes, quietly assuming that such regimes will promote political stability and improve economic management.
Such regimes refer, therefore, not to true propositions, but to the set of rules that make possible to utter and to accept the conventions deemed as true at a given moment.
Meanwhile, other researchers have correctly criticized the widespread use of Welfare State typologies for purportedly overlooking the diversity of social andhealth policies between countries with such regimes 49 49.
Such regimes have left their mark and Brazil--and its Latin American neighbors--often turn to law enforcement to resolve issues that other countries consider civilian affairs.
The naked form in which the racist, exploitative andbourgeois character of the state was revealed in such regimes could jeopardize the necessity of keeping workers away from the acquirement of an authentic communist consciousness and ideology.
Such regimes, however, must ensure complete freedom of conscience for every citizen, and may in no way be used as an excuse for denying or restricting universally recognized rights.
If all the Members of this House raise their voices, however, and are joined by those in other countries,then the citizens of countries enduring repression will realise it is worth telling the truth and standing up to such regimes.
Such regimes deserve to be permanently repudiated in defence of the Constitutional State and the Rule of Law, and in regard for democratic life and the principle of the sovereignly of the people, based on full respect for human rights.
Restrictive measures alone are not always sufficient to bring about a change, but they can be a way of exerting pressure on repressive regimes or stopping the flow of money andother resources that support such regimes or terrorist networks.
Such regimes should permit access to the protected varieties for further research and breeding, and provide for the right of farmers to save and plant-back seed, including the possibility of informal sale and exchange.
History and experience have shown us that breaking off all relations with authoritarian regimes does nothing to improve living conditions for the people who are suffering under such regimes and, at the same time, it weakens the position of those of us who are defending respect for democracy and human rights in such countries.
However, such regimes are short-lived for the simple reason that they obstruct progress and the solution of vital national problems-- primarily the attainment of economic independence and the development of productive forces.
We owe this to our younger generations who no longer grow up under such regimes and whose awareness of totalitarianism in all its forms has become alarmingly superficial and inadequate, even in the five years since the expansion of 2004.
Such regimes should permit access to the protected varieties for further research and breeding, and provide at least for the right of farmers to save and plant-back seed, including the possibility of informal sale and exchange.
Because we often speak about illiberal regimes, we often speak about the fate of people living under such regimes, but seldom do we think that many of those regimes would never have seen the light of day, that much of the misery of people living in those countries would not exist, if the countries of the so-called free and civilized world did not have a share of responsibility for those misfortunes.
For such regimes, whatever the distribution rule for output and income adopted by the Ministry of Production, the same economic categories would reappear for prices, salaries, interest, rent, profits, saving, etc., though perhaps with different names.
The experience of two dictatorships in the country and, after the end of such regimes, emerging calls for the legal responsibility of the“aidees of the aidees"("Helfershelfer") of such regimes also furnished calls for the principle of personal responsibility of any expert for any decision made, this leading to a strengthening of the bottom-up approach, which requires maximum responsibility of the superiors.
Such regimes would limit poor countries' access to the knowledge that they need for their development- and would deny life-saving generic drugs to the hundreds of millions of people who cannot afford the drug companies' monopoly prices.
The very advent of such regimes constitutes a violent reaction to destabilization, when it exceeds a threshold of tolerability for subjectivities in a state of servile adaptation to the status quo. For them, such a threshold does not summon up an urgency to create, but on the contrary, to preserve the established order at any price.
On the other hand, from the complete lack of willingness of national political forces to respect the rules of the democratic game, regardless of their personal interests, and from the evident inability of national andinternational actors to construct such regime.
While this Regulation sets a Community regime on local border traffic, thus conferring on the Community external competence on this matter, it has been considered appropriate- taking into account the specific nature of a local border traffic regime, whose establishment largely depends on local geographical, social, economic andother considerations- to delegate to Member States the actual implementation of such regime via bilateral agreements.
Furthermore in its Green Paper on Mortgage Credit in the EU[31] the Commission welcomes views on the merits of the standardisation of mortgage contracts,e.g. via a 26th regime instrument and indicates that such regime could be introduced by a legal instrument sitting alongside, but without replacing, national rules, and be available as an option to the parties to a contract.
In some parts of Europe the 20th century was hallmarked by such totalitarian regimes.