Примери за използване на Hobsbawm на Английски и техните преводи на Български
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Andy Hobsbawm.
Hobsbawm, E.J. Nations and Nationalism since 1780.
Eric Hobsbawm.
Hobsbawm, E.(1990) Nations and nationalism since 1780.
Eric Hobsbawm.
Hobsbawm doesn't just know more than other historians, he writes better, too.".
Eric Hobsbawm.
Hobsbawm charts the failure of capitalists and communists alike in this account of the 20th century.
In the third quarter of the twentieth century, Europe on this side of the Iron Curtain experienced its“golden age,” as Eric Hobsbawm has called it.
Eric Hobsbawm writes that.
Thompson, Raymond Williams, and Christopher Hill,his erstwhile companions in the British Communist Historians' Group, Hobsbawm is a master of English prose.
Eric Hobsbawm Yes, there certainly is.
Few things are more dangerous than empires pushing their own interest in the belief they are doing humanity a favor.”-Eric Hobsbawm(1917-2012) British historian, June 10, 2003.
(Applause) Andy Hobsbawm: We have got the science, we have had the debate.
Popular historical interpretation has constructed the Luddites as‘simple minded labourers[reacting]to the new system by smashing the machines which they thought responsible for their troubles'(E.J. Hobsbawm).
Late historian Eric Hobsbawm called the 20th century“the age of extremes.”.
At the same time, the essence of their activities- experience, mastery of techniques(such as handling a sword)- refers to practice, experience of culture, not its consumption, andis"invented" in the words of Hobsbawm.
British historian Eric Hobsbawm terms what he calls the‘short twentieth century', The Age of Extremes(1994).
The trend to see historical awareness as a construct rather than an objective condition was triggered by volumes like Hobsbawm and Ranger's The invention of tradition(1983) and Pierre Nora's Les lieux de mémoire(1984-92).
As Hobsbawm concluded in his 2002 autobiography,“let us not disarm, even in unsatisfactory times.
Describing the Comintern's requirement in 1932 that German Communists fight the Socialists andignore the Nazis, Hobsbawm in his memoirs writes that“it is now generally accepted that the policy… was one of suicidal idiocy.”.
Eric Hobsbawm called it the contest of nightmares- a very good phrase, a deep phrase, because that's what it was.
It is extremely unlikely that such a‘post-capitalist society' would respond to the traditional models of socialism andstill less to the‘really existing' socialisms of the Soviet era,” argues Hobsbawm, adding that it will, however, necessarily involve a shift from private appropriation to social management on a global scale.
Eric Hobsbawm, in short, is a mandarin- a Communist mandarin- with all the confidence and prejudices of his caste.
In his enthusiasm for the Communist omelet, Hobsbawm has clearly lost little sleep over the millions of broken eggs in unmarked graves from Wroclaw to Vladivostok.
As Hobsbawm half concedes, he might have been wiser to stick to the nineteenth century-”given,” as he puts it,“the strong official Party and Soviet views about the twentieth century.”.
The newly released memoirs of Eric Hobsbawm, the celebrated historian, lifelong Marxist and unrepentant member of the Communist Party for as long as it survived, also deserve mention.
Whenever Hobsbawm enters a politically sensitive zone, he retreats into hooded, wooden language, redolent of Party-speak.
While some historians like Eric Hobsbawm are of the opinion that the revolution began in the 1780s and was only felt in the 1830 and 1840s, others maintain that the Industrial Revolution occurred between 1760 and 1830.
The great historian Eric Hobsbawm, who remained loyal to the Communist Party of Great Britain till its demise in the late 1980s, wrote an epilogue to his famous trilogy on the long 19th century, Age of Extremes, subtitled The Short Twentieth Century 1914-1991.