영어에서 Trotsky's 을 사용하는 예와 한국어로 번역
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We are in Trotsky's tradition.
Trotsky's analysis was quickly confirmed.
This was not the end of Trotsky's failures.
Trotsky's last political battle was over precisely this question.
In 1917, the Russian Revolution was a confirmation of Trotsky's perspectives.
Trotsky's prophetic warning was vindicated, bitterly, in the negative.
Yet there are two key differences between Trotsky's analysis and that of Bhattarai.
Trotsky's aim was to use these elements in the struggle against Stalin.
Above all, it was deprived of Trotsky's intervention for five crucial months.
These latter developments posed a host of theoretical problems for Trotsky's followers.
Trotsky's differences with Brandler were spelled out in a number of speeches and writings.
And that is exactly what Lenin and Trotsky's Bolsheviks did in the October Revolution of 1917.
Trotsky's concept of a transitional programme was a logical development from this early usage.
It must be supposed that this amusing talk about our Party is one of Trotsky's usual oddities.
Trotsky's words serve also as a response to Broué's haughty above-the-battle"objectivity".
Later, with Lenin removed by sickness and death, Trotsky's full-blown opposition to Bolshevism re-emerged.
In simple terms we can say that the imperialist war of 1914-18 worked, to some extent, in favour of Trotsky's theory.
This is simultaneously not only a criticism of Trotsky's position but even more so of his methodology.
In this sense Trotsky's theory is closer to intuitive prediction unconcerned with the processes of concrete and political development.
This advance in understanding is perhaps most clearly expressed in Trotsky's text“The Main Lesson of the Third Congress”, written in June 1921.
This certainly was Trotsky's own attitude, so we should not be surprised if his followers adopt the same stance.
Yet the system of revolutionary transitional demands that constitutes the core of the program did not flow from Trotsky's conjunctural prognoses of 1938.
For the implications of Trotsky's sociological analysis of factional politics were even more politically problematic than Cliff allows.
The absence of clarity on the linked questions of executive office and municipal administration was to plague the Comintern and its affiliated parties, as seen in Trotsky's own writings.
The conventional history books usually portray Trotsky's battle with Stalin as a personal power struggle or a conflict between individuals of different temperament or ideas.
After Trotsky's death the majority of Trotskyists formally maintained his appraisal of the USSR as a degenerated workers' state heading for either capitalist restoration or a new workers' revolution.
At the same time, the experience of 1917 likewise confirmed Trotsky's argument that the success of this democratic revolution required proletarian governmental leadership.
Price rejects Leon Trotsky's assertion in the Transitional Program that, in the final analysis, the crisis of humanity can be reduced to a crisis of working-class leadership.
Centrists looking for excuses for the strategic united front usually like to cite as authority Trotsky's call for a united front between the Social Democrats and the Communist Party against fascism in Germany in the 1930s.
This is belied by the whole record of Trotsky's writings on the BOC and the POUM, which makes clear his irreconcilable hostility to their centrist politics.